Chapter 6: The Industry Perspective

Previous research into children and the media has tended to focus on either the texts (e.g. Huston et al., 1979) or the ways in which children respond to them (e.g. Buckingham, 1993a). Little attention appears to have been paid to the role of the media producers. It is arguable that it is important to attempt an understanding of the reasoning and planning involved in the production of advertisement texts since these often have strong ‘preferred meanings’ written into them. Before one can present a rounded debate about the portrayal of gender in advertising, one must consider whether advertisement producers intentionally build their texts around a gendered framework (cf. Research Issue 4).

This chapter provides an overview of the creative process from the perspective of the advertising agencies, production teams and toy companies who are all involved with the planning and execution of texts similar to those featured in this study. Through a semi-structured interview with an advertising executive, the operative structure and campaign approach of a ‘typical’ agency is explained and illustrated. Particular attention is paid to the way in which the agency developed a campaign strategy for Scalextric (a product featured in the main sample of advertisements). Details of the industry’s attitudes towards and perceptions of the child sector of the market are summarised from child-specific industry handbooks. Various considerations are stressed, including the importance of understanding child psychology and the (Piagetian) stages of cognitive development, as well as age, gender and social (peer group) demographics.

Focus then shifts from the agency to that of the ‘creatives’ involved in the production of advertisements. Interviews were conducted with a graphic designer and a number of television producers who had worked on advertising campaigns. Questions about the notion of ‘gendered production techniques’ provoked very lively debate amongst the professions and their ‘defensive’ attitudes are discussed in some detail. Finally, the main aims of the toy company are considered, highlighting the importance that is placed on multi-media marketing and the successful development of product-lines. This is achieved through a review of published accounts and the way in which toy companies present themselves and their products on the Internet.

6. Introduction

While content and semiotic analyses are effective in terms of revealing patterns within the textual framework of advertisements or any other (media) text there is often a criticism that these methodologies are not subjective. Indeed, while there is a need to impose some kind of structure in order to complete a successful textual analysis, it is possible that the researcher may be employing such methods to ‘seek out’ and prove what s/he regards as ‘the obvious’. It is therefore important, when approaching a given text, to attempt a multifaceted perspective.

One could argue that it is vital to consider the intentions and overall objectives of the ‘producers’ when considering the construction of such texts as advertisements. Indeed, those who produce advertisements may have specific reasons for targeting particular sectors of the audience in the ways they do. The construction of the often stereotyped toy advertisements in the sample may intentionally articulate a strong ‘preferred reading’ to audience members, such as the enactment of so-called ‘appropriate gender behaviour’. It is therefore important to understand the reasoning and planning behind such stylistically distinct media texts.

One of the main drawbacks of published work in the field of children and television advertising is that many researchers have failed to address the issue of ‘industry’ concerning the ways in which media people devise the ‘best’ ways to approach children. By considering the role of advertising agencies, creatives, production teams and the toy companies themselves, I hope to outline the processes and thinking behind the development of advertisement campaigns.

6.1 The advertising agency

Since the main focus of my investigations has been the construction of toy advertisements, an initial point of focus had to be the role of the advertising agency. Campaign magazine, an industry publication, was particularly useful as a means of establishing the names of agencies handling toy accounts. The magazine published a useful ‘Top 10’ of Leisure Brands (i.e. toys) on the 25^th of April 1997 (p. 43), which is summarised below:

* Denotes products that were included in my own sample of 117 televised toy advertisements.

Each of the above companies, as well as other well-known organisations, was written to but there was very little response. It seemed that the advertising agencies were reluctant to speak to ‘outsiders’ perhaps because of the financial risks and the importance placed on keeping sales’ strategies ‘secret’. However, Lowe Howard-Spink Ltd., a major London agency, seemed as interested in my research as I was in their campaign work. The company had just won a contract to produce advertisements for Hornby Hobbies, the company that manufactures collectable railways and Scalextric racing tracks. I visited the agency in early 1997 and interviewed an account planner working on the Scalextric campaign. Through a semi-structured interview, questions were asked about general advertising issues such as agency structure, and more specific issues concerning the ways in which audiences may be targeted according to gender.

6.1.1 Agency structure and campaign approach

The advertising agency was structured into teams who each have responsibility for an aspect of the advertising process. The size of the team depended on the size of the account and they were generally arranged under brand titles, with a hierarchy of responsibilities including account planning and management as well as creative work and client liaison. The agency gave me a copy of what they called the Advertising Development Cycle [Fig. 6a].

Fig. 6a

The Advertising Development Cycle

Client Brief

Strategy Development

Production

The circularity of the whole process is interesting, particularly when one considers that there is input from individuals at each stage of an advertisement’s development. A kind of metamorphosis occurs from the initial stages, in which a rough creative brief is produced, to the finished advertisement seen on screen or in print. The cycle may also be rounded more than once before the client and agency is satisfied with the ‘final cut’. It becomes very apparent that the finished product is an amalgamation of the work contributed by both the advertising agency team and the production professionals.

It seemed that the client was the primary source of instruction. While the diagram suggests that clients are detached from the actual cycle, they might also be described as the main catalyst in the process. When asked if the decision to target one gender over another was made by the client or by the agency, the executive explained that it was generally a joint decision reached by the two parties with the agency responding to the business and marketing objectives of the client. To illustrate her point, she explained how the Scalextric campaign would develop cyclically and how she, as an account planner, would contribute to the team effort. Since the product was new to the agency at the time of the interview, the team were still working on the strategic development stage in which various issues were considered such as product competition, the general market situation and the assumed target audience. Once the agency and the client had reached basic agreements about the target audience and the market situation, a creative brief would be developed. This was said to be the most tangible piece of work done by the agency since it comprised the single thing they wished to say about the product and the tone of voice they wished to adopt when saying it. This would than be passed to the creative teams to translate the ‘idea’ into the ‘image’. The finished advertisement would be reassessed in terms of the original advertising objectives.

It is revealing to consider the issues raised in this interview in the context of the actual Scalextric campaign that was eventually produced by the agency. A brief description of the aims and objectives of the agency was summarised on their website as a dramatic movement away from a forty-year history of targeting the product at young boys. The site explained that for ‘the first time … kids have taken a second place to their dads’. They explained that ‘by targeting the dads and not the kids, the aim is to tap into an existing fan base yet at the same time create a new generation of Scalextric fans’. In many ways, the agency have achieved a very impressive ‘double whammy’ by speaking to a cross section of males from differing age segments whilst ensuring the endurance of the product’s cult status.

Under the slogan ‘Scalextric – It’s a Boy Thing’, the company produced a series of light-hearted advertisements suggesting that one of the main benefits of having a boy child is that fathers then have the perfect excuse to purchase a Scalextric set. Staged in a hospital delivery room, new parents look astonished to be told that they now have a ‘Beautiful Boy’. Perhaps the father is ‘shell-shocked’ at the sudden realisation of finally having the ideal excuse to revert back to his childhood passion for Scalectrix. He would not, after all, be a ‘good father’ if he failed to purchase the product for his ‘son’. In contrast, it may suddenly be dawning on the mother that she has just created a monster!

6.1.2 Targeting audiences

In the above illustration, the agency had decided to address what they considered to be the most likely target audience for the product in a somewhat unexpected way. They ran the risk of breaking a long-established tradition to put a new spin on the (male) appeals of the Scalextric product. In a way, the agency actually achieved a situation in which neither men nor boys were isolated. While men are thought to yearn for their boyhood days, boys are often thought to aspire to the grown-up worlds of their fathers. The product is shown to intersect these two male phases, bringing the two together under the idea of common interest (cf. Tomy Trains, discussed previously).

When asked about gender cues and whether the client had specific ideas about which sector of the audience they wished to target, the executive emphasised that the target audience for an advertisement always relates to the primary product purchaser. In other words, money motivates product marketing and the target audience should feel that they relate to the consumer- (and gender-) behaviour exhibited by the characters appearing in the commercials. In addition, the executive stressed that an advertisement is ‘dictated by the product, the brand values’. One could argue that the products and brand values might also be deeply gendered in the marketplace, demonstrating that advertisements might simply be reflecting an exaggerated version of social reality.

The interview took a particularly interesting turn in relation to the way my research developed. The executive used car advertisement campaigns as an illustration of the way in which issues of gender seem to be approached by the industry. She explained how she had conducted research on the small-car sector of the car market when she worked on the Vauxhall Corsa campaign. At the time, small cars were being overtly targeted at females even though sales data clearly showed that purchases of such cars were divided about equally between women and men. Her own feeling about this marketing tendency was that the nature of the language surrounding this sector of the car market, such as small size and ‘nippiness’, could be described as ‘female’ in connotation so that the tone of voice adopted by the advertisements were ‘female’ as a result. She explained that this type of pattern was established because advertisers often focused on ‘user imagery’ rather that ‘product base’.

The executive was asked to respond to the finding that the majority of the toy advertisements in my sample used male voiceovers. The basic thread of her argument stressed that features such as voiceover not only follow the intended target audience but also the message and the tone of the advertisement. This reasoning, however, does not explain why advertisements for products aimed at women often use male voiceovers, since one would quite reasonably assume that the ‘audience’, ‘message’ and ‘tone’ are all female oriented in such an instance.

Unfortunately, the executive could not tell me very much about the ways that children tended to be targeted. She had very little experience of the ‘kids sector’ of the market, perceiving it as both ‘really simple’ and ‘highly complex’! The only insight she could offer was based on an article written by Sally Williams, entitled ‘When children rule, ad men obey’, published in Industry magazine (16-2-97). Despite the gender-biased nature of the title, the article demonstrated the extent to which advertisers are now beginning to acknowledge a previously untapped sector of the consumer market. Advertisers are said to describe the children’s market as ‘three-in-one’ because it encompasses ‘purchasers, influencers and the future’. The article also stressed the importance of ‘talking to children in their own language’ (whatever that language may be) so that they feel the advertisement belongs to them and is addressing them directly. In many ways, the article is typically vague. It is likely that, by the very nature of the industry, any marketing ideas must be kept quiet until a complete campaign has been devised and produced. The article described children as a ‘fickle, novelty-loving bunch’ but this is no help when trying to understand why advertisers construct commercials in the ways identified in my own content analysis or why they feel such strategies actually work to capture the attention and imagination of young consumers.

6.1.3 Agencies that target children

Given the fact that only one advertising agency was willing to contribute to my research, it left me with a difficult gap in my work. Many questions were still left unanswered about how children’s advertisements are devised and produced, and I felt that a clear view of how advertisers perceived and claimed to understand children was very much lacking. So rather than speak to individuals directly, I referred to two industry handbooks – Creating Ever-Cool by Gene Del Vecchio (1997) and What Kids Buy and Why by Dan Acuff (1997). Perhaps the main advantage of these books was that they were not written by academics so they therefore offered a distinctly ‘industry’ perspective on the issues at hand. While the companies they represented were based in the USA, many of the products they referred to have been marketed in the UK. It is arguable that a significant number of toy advertisements are shipped to Britain directly from the States with few differences in advertising styles between the two countries, as illustrated in the various US-generated content analysis reviews mentioned in Chapter Two.

Predominantly, both texts stressed that there is no substitute for a clear understanding of children when it comes to marketing products to them. One might think that this is unproblematic in that we were all children once and therefore have deep insight into what it actually ‘means’. However, the situation is no where near as simple as that. Stress was placed on understanding child psychology and stages of cognitive development as well as age, gender and social (peer group) demographics. It would be useful at this stage to briefly discuss how the two (toy) advertising companies utilised their knowledge of each of the above issues in order to produce what they regarded as effective advertising for children.

6.1.4 Psychological ‘needs’ in young children

Within the very broad field of so-called ‘child psychology’, Del Vecchio (1997: 35-63) paid close attention to the key differences between the psyches of young boys compared to the psyches of young girls. He outlined how these differences needed to be acknowledged before an advertisement could really ‘speak’ to the two audience segments respectively. He referred to psyche (ibid: 34) as that part of an individual that governs thought and feelings both consciously and unconsciously, and the essence of who we are. He stressed how boys and girls were likely to share similar elements of the psyche, but that manifestations of these elements would be different. Understanding these differences might help advertisers to target certain products at the two audience sectors, arguably using certain production techniques to create the right ‘pitch’. Del Vecchio (1997: 60) argued that, while boys and girls were the same in so many ways (as ‘children’ and ‘human beings’) the weight of importance they placed on certain values differed. One could argue, therefore, that the differences between boys and girls are subtle when compared with the rather ‘obvious’ products and advertisements manufactured to exploit them.

Del Vecchio (1997) proposed a structure of those elements that tended to appeal to boys’ and girls’ psyches respectively. Key elements in the boy’s psyche included (ibid: 35 ff.):

· Good versus Evil (p. 39): including power, speed, strength, cleverness, intelligence or ability.

· Silliness (p. 42): to be outrageous, play pranks and joke, including physical humour such as slapstick.

· To succeed/master (p. 45): a need to be ‘the best’, including game challenges and construction.

· Love (p. 46): While younger boys openly show affection, displays cannot be as overt as the boys become older, although the need for love remains the same.

A girl’s psyche consisted of factors both like and unlike boys’ ‘needs’ (ibid: 49 ff.):

· Beauty (p. 51): to feel grown-up not only through outer appearance but also through creating works of art and so on.

· Mothering (p. 54): an emotional foundation within every girl based on the need to express gentleness and care giving.

· To succeed/master (p. 57): arts and other arenas that do not demand too much competitive (physical) behaviour.

Perhaps the most striking differences in these psyche summaries is that boys are very much placed in the realm of the competitive, physical and active while girls are categorised more in terms of concern with appearance and emotion (cf. Chapter Two). While many of the issues are the same across the two audience categories, such as the appeal of silliness and the need for success, others are more blatantly gender stereotyped, such as bravery versus beauty or gross versus glamour. If this is how advertisers view children then it is little wonder that the advertisements they create for them are constructed in ways that echo these tendencies.

6.1.5 Age and peer group

Along with a consideration of psychological needs, advertising agencies and toy companies are also said to pay close attention to factors of age and peer-group. Indeed, age emerged as a particularly important factor during my own research with children. However, advertising agencies do not seem to view age in the ‘conventional’ sense. Acuff (1997: 14) suggested that there is no ‘right’ way to divide children into age segments because there are always exceptions regarding pace of individual development and levels of intelligence that make implementing a ‘rule’ near impossible. Del Vecchio (1997: 105) identifies a similar difficulty with age, arguing that designing an effective ‘attitude target’ is far more crucial than targeting a limited age bracket.

Del Vecchio (1997: 109) included a summary of how advertisers seem to view the ‘typical boy’ and the ‘typical girl’ within the context of his so-called gender-focussed ‘age-tudes’. The basic age for such appeals is generally around age five or six – the prime target category for toy advertisements. Boys are said to test one another’s physical strength and capabilities to the extent where power becomes a virtue. They find disgusting things appealing and amusing, and are very reluctant to cry. Clubs or gangs become important, with the regulation ‘no girls allowed’ membership clause. Male action figures, video games and sports become popular. Girls also begin to group together, where they are often though to be preoccupied with beauty, fashion, glamour and romance. Barbie is particularly popular as an embodiment of all these preoccupations. Babies are also intriguing as the mothering instinct emerges and doll-play becomes seminal.

It is also through this division into gender groups that the issue of peer pressure or peer influence becomes a consideration. Advertisers are cautious not to underestimate the potential power of peer groups to dictate whether a product is sufficiently ‘cool’ or not. Del Vecchio (1997: 117) described peer groups as based essentially on the powerful emotional desires experienced by a child to ‘belong’ and feel part of their society. Marketers recognise that there are likely to be only a few children who provide the points of reference for others to follow and this has certain advertising implications. This is where one of the key marketing strategies may well come into play, in that advertisers take advantage of the fact that younger children will consistently look up to and emulate those who are older than themselves. For a product to be ‘cool’ to a seven-year-old, therefore, advertisers will often show it being enjoyed by a nine- or ten-year-old (cf. Clark, 1988: 190).

6.1.6 Stages of cognitive development and the implications for product and advertisement

Acuff (1997: 14) seemed to place particular emphasis on what he termed ‘structure’. By this, he (superficially) referred to three different phases of cognitive development that a child progresses through, similar in pattern and implication to Piaget’s theories of cognitive development (cf. Piaget, 1978; Durkin, 1985: 46; Noble, 1975: 82 ff.), summarised below:

This stage was referred to in such a way because it is the period during which children are dependent on adult caregivers. It is also characterised by a great deal of exploration, experimentation and discovery (Acuff, 1997: 43). For a product to be a marketing success when targeted at this age group, it must be suited to the developmental needs of that child as well as being in line with what parents perceive as their children’s needs (ibid: 44). There were actually no examples in my advertisement sample of products aimed specifically at children in this category, perhaps indicating that adults are the most likely target audience. Manufacturers such as Fisher Price are market leaders in catering for this developmental stage.

Acuff (1997: 46) identified the production techniques of pace and focus as two of the most significant factors when very young children are addressed. He stressed that children under the age of three have not yet reached the stage of cognitive development where they are in a position to decipher the meaning of rapid pacing, quick scene changes, elaborate images and complicated visual content. Slower pacing therefore works well to allow very young children sufficient time to focus on individual images and characters. In terms of the overall ‘feel’ of advertisements aimed at this audience segment, softer more nurturing and slower environments are thought to be most suitable.

6.1.6.2 The Emerging-Autonomy Stage (3- to 7-years-old)
(cf. Piaget’s Pre-operational stage)

Acuff (1997: 61) focussed on the concepts of fun and play, claiming that play is one of the main ways in which children learn about their social arenas and ‘rehearse’ their parts. Something that emerged as particularly important at this age was the process of ‘identification’ with others, in line with the child’s need to belong and understand his/her immediate environment (cf. Noble, 1975: 36 ff.). Acuff (1997: 62-63) identified four distinct identification patterns clarifying why manufacturers often base their toy lines around a central character.

· Nurturing – either nurturing a character such as a doll or teddy, or being nurtured by it such as Big Bird from Sesame Street or Barney the purple dinosaur.

· Emulatory – where the child may feel that s/he would like to be just like a character such as Batman or Barbie.

· Disidentification – where the child does not wish to be like a character but is attracted to its ‘dark-side’ or negative attributes.

In addition to a need to relate to characters, this stage of development was also identified by the way in which most things appear as ‘magic’ to a child. Indeed, both ‘magic’ and ‘secret’ are buzz-words in toy advertising because children are said to respond to the ideas emotionally (Del Vecchio, 1997: 179). The words imply a sense of anticipation, excitement and amazement. Acuff (1997: 68) detailed how effective the process of ‘transformation’ could be as a marketing ploy in toy advertisements. Children of this age are thought to have cognitive abilities that do not yet allow them to follow the process of transformation in terms of a discernible ‘beginning’, ‘middle’ and ‘end’. A transformation event therefore appears magical and holds a great deal of surprise impact.

Very often, ‘goodies versus baddies’ is a common scenario in children’s narratives and this can be applied directly to the developmental fact that children of this age generally see their worlds in terms of dichotomies (ibid: 74). Everything is seen in black-and-white with no grey areas. Manufacturers will often employ simple stereotyped cues as an easily identifiable method of marking dichotomies to appeal to children’s simple sensibilities. Heroes such as Batman or Superman, for example, will often wear capes while villains such as Action Man’s enemy Dr. X will wear eye-patches. One could further argue that children could also see their own gender and the gender of others in terms of these straightforward dichotomies. Gender markers such as the colours pink and blue may be used in much the same way as other stereotyped markers of ‘difference’. Finally, Acuff (1997: 78) also identified the issue of humour as significant. He stressed that the children at this developmental stage are not intellectually ready to process advanced forms of humour but appreciate slapstick, action and sudden surprise.

Acuff (1997: 81) used the word ‘process’ as a term for what I refer to in this investigation as production techniques. It would seem that the advertising company does pay significant attention to such factors as music, special effects and the pace at which things are presented in advertisements. Basically, children at this developmental stage prefer relatively simple and straightforward approaches in advertisements and respond more positively to slower paced stimuli. This revelation is rather surprising when one considers that many of the toy advertisements in my sample actually contain more than one shot per second, where the pacing is extremely rapid and the changes of scene numerous. This is particularly true of advertisements aimed at boys. Indeed, a typical toy advertisement structure is rather more complicated than the average adult-targeted advertisement in terms of shifts in perspective. When this is accompanied by loud music and additional sound effects, one could argue that it amounts to sensori-overload and may even be ineffectual. This is a curious contradiction when one considers that advertising companies do realise that some younger children may actually be confused by what they see if they are given insufficient time to process the product information.

Acuff (1997: 83) accounted for the way in which children begin, at about the age of six or seven, to reject more ‘childish’ activities by the way in which emphasis shifts from the right- to the left-brain. Very little detail was offered so it is perhaps more effective to return to Piaget’s theories of cognitive development as a way of explaining how things begin to fall into place as children enter the stage of concrete operations. They are able to understand the principle of conservation, are able to take the perspective of another person (even though they are still predominantly egocentric), understand object permanence and reverse the order of actions. When all these cognitive abilities emerge, one could argue that advertisements for products such as toys begin to lose their appeal. That is to say, transformations no longer seem ‘magical’ or ‘unexpected’ and the content of advertisements may even seem a little ridiculous.

Finally, Acuff (1997: 94) briefly described the way in which a child at this stage of development will do everything they can to re-enact conformist social and peer-group roles. This period is governed by the need to fit in and not stand out from the crowd as ‘different’. Interestingly, this is described as the point at which ‘dark’ appeals are at their strongest. These would include irreverent forms of humour, humiliation of characters or the defeat of authority figures such as parents and teachers. It is difficult to think of a toy example that caters for these newly emerged needs but it might well be the case that toys are no longer sufficient to occupy children of this age. Instead, needs might be met through television programming such as dramas like Byker Grove, Grange Hill and The Demon Headmaster or cartoons like The Simpsons.

6.1.7 Combining child development with advertisement production – some potential problems

One of the main problems identified by Del Vecchio (1997: 212 ff.) was the difficulty that some advertisers encounter when trying to translate marketing ideas into moving televisual images. His words of caution are divided into four components, dealing with production techniques, narrative complexity, audio soundtracks and character casting. Del Vecchio (1997: 212) began by considering the dilemma of whether it is better to use brand focus versus ‘cool’ production features. Many advertisers suggest that there is a tendency to be carried away with the use of engrossing techniques such as loud music, computer graphics, animation, fantasy setting, characters and unusual camera angles at the expense of product-focus. Others argue that such techniques do not detract focus from the product but rather attract and sustain the attention of the viewer.

The production dilemma was also considered in terms of simplicity versus complexity (ibid: 213). On the one hand, if a toy advertisement is too simplistic in its mode of address and structure then older children will consider the product ‘childish’. Older children are said to prefer fast pacing, complex images and more adult forms of humour. If, on the other hand, an advertisement is too complex the younger group of children will be lost and they may well be the most prolonged users of the product. The ultimate aim of advertisers would seem to be to maintain a simple product message but to articulate it with an older attitude, so giving the younger audience members something that they can both understand and aspire to.

The next dilemma facing advertisers was described as a choice between speech and song (ibid.). In other words, it was a question of whether the advertising message should be delivered via a spoken voiceover or a sung jingle. Jingles are effective in the sense that they are often so catchy that young children find themselves singing along. However, it can sometimes be difficult to decipher the lyrics of jingles so the sales message may be lost. Most advertisers were said to prefer a combination of the two soundtrack elements in order to create the best ‘attitude’ for an advertisement.

Finally, Del Vecchio (1997: 214) referred to the difficulty in deciding whether or not to cast boys or girls in certain toy advertisements. Since children between the ages of five- and ten-years are very gender-focussed, distinct segregation will often occur. It is this social pattern which seems to dictate the appearance of only boys in boy-related advertisements and only girls in girl-related advertisements. The situation only becomes complicated if a product is to be aimed at both sexes. In line with the castings noted in my content analysis, it is considered safer to feature predominantly boys in mixed appeal advertisements. It seems to be an agreed fact that girls do not have the same degree of extreme negative reaction towards boys as boys do towards girls (cf. Acuff, 1997: 157).

6.1.8 Some suggestions for successful advertising to children

Both handbooks concluded with summaries of how they generally structured and envisaged successful advertising campaigns. In a sense, these marketing strategies were the ‘rules’ followed by the agencies and are reflected to an extent by the emergent patterns in my own sample of toy advertisements (cf. content and semiotic analyses).

· Make the product amazing. Give it energy. Make it humorous. Make it something that children will want to talk about with their friends.

· Show the advertisement characters have fun because of and in relation to the product.

· Include a ‘magic moment’ if possible – a surprise moment in an advertisement when something exciting is revealed.

With the formal frameworks in place, my focus shifted to considering how creatives and technicians generally approached the transformation of advertising ‘concepts’ into the ‘images’ seen on television. Advertisers themselves have little hands-on experience of the production process or what must be done to create a particular ‘feel’ on screen. The details of such things may be drawn into storyboards and reinterpreted by camera-operators, perhaps revealing whether certain production techniques were considered to have gender connotations.

6.2 The creatives and producers

The advertising agency deals primarily with the business and management aspects of campaigns, whilst also devising the overall creative plan. They do not, however, have any practical involvement in the way that marketing ideas are translated into images and made suitable for various media (magazines, billboards, television and cinema, for example). When an idea for an advertisement leaves the advertising agency it is generally in the form of a storyboard. The storyboard comprises a series of rough sketches of what the agency hope will be conveyed in each shot of the finished advertisement, often arranged sequentially in what they see as the most effective running order for the development of a marketing message. The storyboard is also likely to have been approved by the client before it is passed on to those who will translate it into the finished image. For television and cinema campaigns, someone is often employed to translate the static storyboard drawings into inexpensive ‘animatics’ which still retain the cartoon feel of the storyboard but give clearer indication of how the ideas will appear when they move.

I contacted graphic designer John Moyson[1] who had produced animatics for many advertising campaigns during his career, giving advertising agencies something more concrete to show to focus groups, facilitating the implementation of changes before the expensive process of filming began. He had high levels of input at all the stages of advertising development, although this input was not always acknowledged.

When asked to respond to the likely use of gendered production techniques in the filming of advertisements for particular audience sectors, Moyson was divided in his response. His initial reaction was ‘unlikely’, suggesting that I was reading too much into the advertisements for patterns or techniques unintentionally used by the makers. He later re-evaluated his point of view by acknowledging that these patterns may well exist in most advertisements but that they are likely to be used subconsciously by producers. To quote Moyson directly, he explained that ‘some shots naturally work better when cut together’.

It may be argued that he inadvertently highlighted a point that has remained unquestioned in published academic research in this field but which forms the main thread of reasoning throughout this investigation. The issue is clearly based on what advertisement creators consider ‘natural’, and this is likely to be embedded in the traditional way advertisements tend to be created. It is possible to argue that the ‘natural’ – the default value reverted back to as the appropriate ‘base-line’ of textual construction in advertisements – is focused on the ‘male’. The content analysis clearly revealed that the boys’ and mixed audience advertisements were constructed or ‘cut together’ using relatively similar production styles while the girls’ advertisement were distinct or ‘marked’ in their style. This is not to say that girls’ advertisements are intentionally constructed as ‘different’ but they were certainly conspicuous.

Once the storyboard or animatic has been produced and tested, the next stage in the creative process is to commission the actual filming so I interviewed producer Chris Morris at BBC Wales[2]. He stressed that the whole creative process was substantial and required much negotiation to achieve what all parties considered a ‘good’ campaign. It seemed rather amazing that such high levels of input were required to produce a twenty- or thirty-second screenplay. With the added complication of ‘children’, as a so-called ‘fickle, novelty-loving’ target audience, the pressure must be considerable when filming a toy advertisement, for example. Morris explained that if he agreed to make a toy advertisement his initial thought processes would involve the conjuring up of certain images based on his own childhood memories of the actual product (or something similar) and any previous advertising campaigns. He would then think of ways to translate his ideas into a more contemporary campaign. In many ways this approach could be seen as somewhat nostalgic and one can understand how this ‘feel’ would emerge time and again with well-established toys. It might also explain the way tradition endures in the construction of such advertisements.

Morris saw Action Man, for example, as ‘exciting, dynamic, dark and fast-moving’. To convey this on screen he would use rapid cuts and glean camera angles from classic war films, in line with the over-riding military theme of the product. An advertisement for Barbie, on the other hand, would be dominated by her distinctive pink colour, be more slow-moving without force or power. The product would be shown in an altogether ‘softer’ way. Morris argued that this kind of approach had little to do with ‘breaking new ground’ because the stereotyped production techniques would have been ingrained in the product over many years. To break stylistic traditions would run the risk of producing an advertisement that children would not recognise as belonging to a distinctive toy brand. Morris further stressed that the client often had strong ideas about how they would like to see their products presented on screen. In the case of toy manufacturers, for example, it may be that the ‘feel’ of the advertisement on screen is similar to the actual product philosophy so the two must blend together to make a coherent and recognisable ‘whole’.

A draft version of the content analysis chapter was also posted on the Internet discussion group children-media-uk[3]. Needless to say, the suggested implications of ‘gendered production techniques’ provoked many interesting if somewhat defensive reactions amongst the professionals. Particularly useful feedback was offered by one of the list’s most active contributors, Roger Singleton-Turner[4]. He acknowledged that there were differences between the way in which advertisements for boys and advertisements for girls are shot but he suggested that this fact should be neither surprising nor a matter for concern. He could not stress strongly enough his directorial opinion that ‘form follows content’. Singleton-Turner’s defence seemed to be hinged on the acceptance of the ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ forms as ‘ just the way it is’ (cf. Chapter Seven).

As a means of clarifying his perception of the toy industry he observed that, while there are significant differences between toys for boys and toys for girls, it is a distinction that children both enjoy and even need to make (cf. Chapter Two). The toy industry simply exploits this childlike importance of differentiation and is itself governed by some deep-rooted sense of reasoning about gender preferences that may be both socially and biologically driven. By his own admission, Singleton-Turner explained that production techniques depend both on current fashions and on a ‘past century of movie making experience’. Echoing Morris’s words, he stressed that even the most imaginative and revolutionary producer would find it difficult to ‘come up with a new design for the wheel on a regular basis’, implying that creative options are limited.

Prompted by the content analysis findings, Singleton-Turner referred to the use of close-ups that were interpreted as more intimate and therefore ‘feminised’. He explained that he had always been taught to think about the eyes as being ‘the windows to the soul’ and that they were the most effective way to convey the thoughts of a television character. The use of close-ups were, as far as he was concerned, ‘genderless’ in the sense that human thought processes are neither masculine nor feminine but dependent on the individual. He then discussed camera angles stating that they were primarily concerned with emulating a given point of view. That is to say, placing the camera at the eye-level of a television character will give the audience the feeling that they are looking through the eyes of that character. Since Singleton-Turner worked primarily on dramas for children, he explained that the camera angle was often placed at child height and that, as a result, a distinctly child-like perceptive was given of the world. For obvious reasons of height difference, the child characters would usually look up to adult characters during conversations but this had nothing to do with ideas of dominance and inferiority.

One could accept that this is also likely to be the case in the toy advertisements in my sample. As stressed previously by Acuff (1997) and Del Vecchio (1997), it is important to convey a sense of the child having fun because of and in relation to the advertised product. What better strategy, therefore, than to be privy to the child’s own perception of the play situation and be offered the feeling of actually interacting with the product.

When commenting on the use of transitions, Singleton-Turner once again stressed that cuts and fades/dissolves could be neither masculine nor feminine but used according to how the product might best be ‘shown’ or how best the story might be told. His main reason for using fades/dissolves, for example, was to show the passage of time rather than a feeling of gentleness. Interestingly, all the conspicuous production differences identified in the content analysis were features that Singleton-Turner stressed should be considered by any good producer when faced with the task of putting together a piece of film. In his BBC Television Training book on Television and Children (1994) he stressed the importance of a ‘check list’ for shot selection, including location, the physical appearance of the characters appearing on screen, variety and pace of shots, and audio features. If these issues were foremost in producers’ minds, then it is arguable that the way they choose to resolve them on screen is highly significant.

Singleton-Turner seemed rather defensive in the way he tried to justify his filming methods as if he somehow felt that the content analysis results were a kind of ‘attack’ on the industry. In fact, I often had the feeling that the professionals I contacted were highly nervous of my asking specific questions about media production, as if they somehow felt that I was trying to imply a sexist conspiracy and apportion blame for the proliferation of gender stereotypes in advertising. This was by no means my intention as I simply wished to ascertain how professionals went about constructing a media text and the decision-making processes involved.

Singleton-Turner referred to camera operators, explaining that there were very few female ‘cameras’ around in what was still a male-dominated industry. However, he also stressed that he would never ask different things from camera operators on the basis of their gender. I would argue, however, that the very nature of the industry means that female camera operators would be coached to see the world from a ‘male’ perspective. The fact that females are capable of taking on this ‘masculine’ perspective is something that toy advertisements relied upon when selling mixed appeal products in a ‘masculine’ way. In a later response to the content analysis article, Janet Jones[5] commented on the role of the female camera operator stressing that, in her film making experience, if a female art director would be considered incompetent if she tried to break the tradition of production stereotypes. This was somewhat alarming in that it would suggest that ‘male’ was the ‘norm’ in the industry.

Despite all the constructive criticism, Singleton-Turner also stressed that he was fascinated by the measurable difference between advertisements aimed at boys and those aimed at girls. He could even understand how such differences could arise during the production process. Essentially, however, he seemed to think that the use of manipulative techniques had more to do with the ways in which the clients instructed advertising agencies to present their products, a sentiment echoed by the other producers interviewed. So, while the advertising agency and the creatives plan advertisements, they place the main ‘burden of responsibility’ for the shape and feel of a finished advertisement on the clients.

6.3 The toy company

For this investigation, the ‘clients’ would of course be the major toy companies of the world. I contacted Hasbro who manufacture Action Man, Sindy, Subbuteo and the majority of family board games included in my sample. Then I contacted Mattel who manufacture Barbie, Cabbage Patch Kids, Matchbox, Hot Wheels, and Tyco. Finally I contacted Galoob, a division of Hasbro, who produce Sky Dancers and Dragon Flyz, Micromachines, Pound Puppies, Star Wars, and Johnny Quest. It was not altogether a surprise when I received little response. Wayne Miller (1997) provided the only real insight into the inner workings of a major toy company after spending an incredible five years at the Hasbro toy company headquarters. He was granted unrestricted access to all areas of the company and Toy Wars is an excellent demonstration of the way in which an ever-expanding company realised the great potential of the developments in media communications as a way to market their products to a wider audience.

Miller framed his narrative historically. By relating the way in which many famous brands were devised by the company he was able to stress the growing emphasis placed on the power of advertising to market a product. The first instance of ‘mass marketability’ was realised by Hasbro founder Merrill Hassenfeld in 1951. George Lerner, a toy inventor from Brooklyn, approached Merrill with a new novelty toy line – ‘a box containing plastic noses, ears, eyes, eyeglasses, moustaches, hats, a pipe and hair’ (Miller, 1997: 22). These items were designed to be stuck into any fruit or vegetable although its inventor thought that the humble potato was most suitable. Merrill instantly liked the idea and Mr. Potato Head was born. No toy company had yet tried the new medium of television as a means of marketing their products but Merrill immediately saw the potential of a character like Mr. Potato Head. He made his small screen debut in 1952, backed by newspaper advertisements. The product was an immediate success with both adults and children, setting the trend for the way in which Hasbro would devise its product lines from then on.

The next major step in the history of the company came in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Battling against trade scepticism, Merrill and his closest colleagues were sure that given the right approach ‘boys could be persuaded to play with dolls’ (ibid: 24). The first rule that the company made was never to use the word ‘doll’ to describe the product they would eventually devise! G. I. Joe (later launched in Europe as Action Man) was created and a promotional film was prepared to persuade buyers to place orders.

Miller (1997: 27) described the way in which this promotional film was presented: ‘Since the beginning of time, children have always played soldier – with wooden swords, broomstick rifles, with cast-lead soldiers, with plastic miniatures… but none of these gave a boy the feeling he was playing real soldier’. A male voiceover narrated as the camera panned an on-screen boy character who resembled Timmy, the lead character in the television episodes of Lassie at that time. One could argue that a ‘form’ was already being set for future toy advertisements, with the use of a male voiceover and the feeling that the product existed within a familiar world of recognisable characters. It is also interesting to note that the target audience are not only ‘boys’ but the universal ‘children’, so it is possible to argue that ‘male’ was equated with the ‘universal’ or the ‘norm’ even at this early marketing stage. Ultimately, the narrative seemed to create a ‘need’ for the product by proclaiming that G. I. Joe would deliver that ‘real soldier’ feeling. The whole feel of the advertisement might be described as typically ‘male’ with its use of a ‘stirring military soundtrack’ and the interspersing of actual combat footage with shots of the product (cf. Action Man and Subbuteo in the main sample).

The introduction of G. I. Joe in 1982 was accompanied by a Marvel comic book dedicated to the adventures of the character. The comic book was said to contain ‘exciting pencil art [and] bold colours’ (Miller, 1997: 35) while the title G. I. Joe – A Real American Hero was given a distinctive typeface. It was at this stage that Hasbro executives began to box-clever. The advertisements shown on television would technically promote the comic book series where drawings of the characters, vehicles and accessories would be shown but no reference would be made to the action figure. The chairman of Marvel could not understand this tactic but the Hasbro executives trusted children to make the connection between the toys and the comics. This was the keystone in the whole marketing operation as the company credited children with sufficient media savvy to make the desired link between the two product components. Indeed, one could argue that successfully making cross-media links would make any child ‘feel good’ and even empowered by their knowledge of the media world (cf. Buckingham, 1993a). Theories of media literacy were not yet fashionable in the world of academia but the people at Hasbro clearly did not underestimate the power of children’s merchandising and media knowledge. They credited children with a sense of discernment that later seemed to be lost in the flood of literature labelling children as passive sponges who simply soaked up media imagery.

Media planning was always a priority. Throughout the periods of product research and manufacture Alan Hassenfeld, the present CEO of Hasbro, would consistently push his colleagues to think of the ways their products would eventually appear in television advertisements: ‘You in marketing have to think – How do you capture [excitement] on camera?’ He would insist on every detail being checked against the way that the product would eventually be advertised, such as the colours used or the appearance of the packaging. He always maintained that toys and television were ‘inextricably and powerfully linked’ (ibid: 228) although he was not so presumptuous as to claim a full understanding of the implications. Miller did, however, clearly highlight how advertisement-driven the toy industry actually is. One should therefore never underestimate the importance of the toy advertisement as a potent force in the formative years of a child’s life. Nor should one underestimate the importance of a comprehensive study into both the production and reception of such media texts by their intended target audiences.

6.3.1 Toy companies on the internet

The evolutionary nature of telecommunications means that advertising now has many outlets. Over the last ten years there has been an incredible surge in the use of the Internet as an information source. This facility is likely to become central in the lives of many children as an increasing number of homes are ‘hooked-up’ and schools (both primary and secondary) have access[6]. I worked on the assumption that any website representing a company would ‘speak’ for the products in accordance with the gender of the target audience. That is to say, I hoped that the Internet would provide another angle on the messages major toy companies wish to convey about their products and the ways in which they may frame their audiences in terms of gender. Both Mattel and Hasbro had extensive and detailed websites promoting some of their most well known products.

As a welcome page, one could say that it is aimed squarely at ‘children’ in that it includes both boy and girl characters. The image itself is clearly child oriented, but the running print message implied that the company’s products hold universal appeal for ‘everyone’, and that we each have something of the child in us. It also offered an incentive to enter the site by previewing some of its products, such as Hot Wheels, Barbie, Cabbage Patch Kids and Matchbox; products included in my own advertisement sample. The site visitor clicked on the image in order to view the actual home page. As well as providing links to the Mattel Store, information about the company and a site map, the home page included a number of frames.

The frames seemed to give an instant sense of order, conjuring the idea of a neat jigsaw puzzle. What seemed most significant, however, was the way in which the company utilised blocks of colour as a means of ‘marking’ their products into types. Perhaps these colours were even being used as a way of indicating the links that would appeal to certain target audiences. Rather predictably, pink was most likely to indicate the links aimed at ‘girls’ while blue indicated those aimed at ‘boys’. This notion was substantiated by the nature of the products featured in each colour block since Barbie and Cabbage Patch Kids were coded as ‘female’ by the adult coders involved in my own investigation while Matchbox, Hot Wheels and Tyco were coded as ‘male’. There are no particular colour connotations attached to either orange or green so it may be no coincidence that they should mark the so-called mixed appeal products. One could also argue that the potential power of colour coding was so potent that even children who were unable to read would still be able to identify the links in terms of gender targeting.

The homepage product frames also seemed to attract attention in that all the characters looked directly at their audience. The audience may feel that they were being directly addressed. There was also a feeling of extended friendship and welcome in that Barbie and American Girl appeared to be waving in greeting, while the Cabbage Patch Kid had her arms extended for a hug. Winnie the Pooh and his best friend Piglet also embraced, promoting a feeling of togetherness and companionship. Needless to say, these positive connotations of ‘love’, ‘warmth’, ‘security’ and ‘welcome’ are ‘because of and in relation to the products’.

If the visitor decided to follow links from the product frames a brief product/character overview was given, accompanied by a still picture of that product and the opportunity to watch animated ‘classic clips’ of televised product advertisements. In many ways, it was unnecessary for children to make the cross-media connection between the Internet and television because the company had bound the two together in relation to the product. A degree of continuity was also maintained from one web page to the next as the visitor followed the links since the product information was grounded in the same colour background as the lead frame. That is to say, the Barbie page was grounded in pink while the Hot Wheels page was grounded in blue. To further differentiate between the ‘pink’ and ‘blue’ products, the product names were subtly embossed into the background in each instance.

McQuail (1994: 185) argued that the ‘media organisation’, where the actual ‘creation’ of media content occurs, is one of the most important links in the process through which modern society addresses itself. In addition, he stressed the significance of the way in which internal structures and activities of media organisations relate to other organisations, suggesting that the understanding of such structures can only be achieved through focusing on the so-called ‘mass communicators’ who work in the media. It is hoped that this chapter has highlighted the various contributions made by significant organisations in the development of advertising media texts. It is also hoped that this chapter has offered greater detail than those accounts of media organisations within the more general context of ‘the media’ in theories of mass communication, giving significant insight into one of the central elements of my investigation.

A point stressed by McQuail (ibid.) and clearly evident in my own investigations is that it is reasonable to assume an existence of recurring features within media production. In the context of advertising, one could argue that the ‘recurring’ features include those of production techniques identified in the content analysis investigation and the so-called ‘tone of voice’ adopted when addressing either ‘male’ or ‘female’ audience sectors (cf. Talbot, 1998: 3). An issue I aimed to pay close attention to in the context of the ‘industry’ was that of advertising content since one could argue, as Singleton-Turner did, that this is what has the greatest influence of the eventual form of a media text. McQuail (1994: 186) referred to the ways in which the ‘organisation’ can have a powerful influence on the content of various media and he emphasised two main concerns. Firstly, the degree of freedom a media organisation has in relation to wider society and within the organisation itself. Secondly, the influence over production of the media-organisational routines and procedures for selecting and processing the content.

In terms of the ‘freedom’, one would think that an advertising agency had ultimate control when devising a marketing approach and deciding upon a ‘tone of voice’ for a particular product. It seems more likely, however, that the production of advertisements involves a process of metamorphosis where a significant number of contributors from different fields of expertise add to the development and overall shape of a marketing text. In terms of selecting the content and, by association, the form of an advertisement it would be fair to suggest that the advertising industry is very ‘traditional’ in the methods it utilises. There is no single answer as to why very little appears to have changed, in toy advertising at least, over the past twenty-five years. Perhaps it is that we are still living in a patriarchal society where ‘male’ is considered the unspoken norm. Alternatively, it could be that the industry is maintaining a known marketing formula as a basically effective, successful and easily recognisable way of speaking to their audiences. The ‘selection’ of the content for an advertising text would almost certainly be based on the overall aim to market a product, and the angle of the targeting is likely to depend on those individuals who consume the product either currently or potentially. The companies may feel that trying to target a product range to the least likely or typical audience sector will be a waste of valuable on-air time and advertising budget because their efforts will not be ‘meaningful’ or generate the desired sales figures. So while there is interaction between individuals working within the industry, there may also be an interaction between the industry and the consumer audience.

The idea that the content of a media text is ‘processed’, as suggested by McQuail (ibid.), could easily be applied to the way in which production techniques are selected and employed for the transmission of a particular message. The product philosophy may well be a powerful force in the way that a sales message is executed. If a doll were intended to encourage nurturing behaviour in young girls, for example, then it would be inappropriate to ‘process’ that textual message by showing a child being physically aggressive with the product or by creating an active atmosphere in the advertisement. Similarly, if the ownership of a toy car was supposed to make young boys feel excited and adventurous then it would be inappropriate to create a sense of tranquillity and peace whilst the product was being demonstrated. It may therefore be the case, as posited by Singleton-Turner, that the actual camera techniques cannot be described as gendered but that the products they are used to advertise can be. In this respect, the notion that ‘form follows content’ could well be the case because such patterns are ‘appropriate’, ‘natural’ and ‘best’, and because ‘that’s just the way it is’.

A solid understanding of children as a target audience would seem to encapsulate any number of dimensions such as inner psyches, ‘needs and wants’, empowerment, stages of cognitive development, attitudes in accordance with age, gender differences, and social interactions. In other words, those companies that target child audiences seem to realise the importance of grounding children in their current predicaments within a ‘child’s world’ but also looking towards a future as adults and the whole process of growing-up. It may also be argued that toy advertisements have remained relatively unchanged for many years because the psychological needs of young children have also remained the same and therefore do not need to be re-identified or reformulated. Finally, the nostalgia that tends to frame toys within society may be a factor in the traditional form of toy advertisements.

The creatives all seemed to stress that there was nothing ‘sinister’ or ‘conspiratorial’ about the way in which the camera was used to convey a message. On a number of occasions the camera was simply described as a tool with which to ‘tell a story’ in a variety of ways. Those individuals who used cameras resented the implication that they might manipulate the appearance of the images on screen to appeal to one sector of the audience at the expense of another. They simply explained that the choice of shots was linked directly with how ‘best’ to convey particular feelings to the audience, such as what it would be like to interact with the product.

As for the toy companies themselves, it would seem that the importance and potential impact of advertising was acknowledged when telecommunications was still in its infancy. Indeed, it would seem that toys are often developed with marketing strategies in mind where a combination of imagery and concept forges strong links between the product and the consumer. One of the most important considerations is often how the product will ‘appear’ in the marketplace, where the aesthetic appeal must be both striking and memorable. Another vital revelation is the fact that toy companies trust children to have sufficient media knowledge to be able to make cross-media connections. They do not patronise their audiences but credit them with the ability to work out the messages and implications for themselves. From my own work with a group of children, one can quite safely say that this process of ‘decoding’ was more than adequately accomplished to the point where both positive and negative personal opinions were expressed about the product (cf. Chapter Seven). It would not appear to be a simple case of the child audience indiscriminately accepting sales messages because a complicated process of questioning and even cynicism was also evident.

The overall structure of toy advertisements could well be taken as a distinctive form that toy companies use as a kind of ‘trade mark’ for the overall ethos of their creations. The form may have remained unchanged as a way to ensure that this advertisement type would be instantly recognisable as ‘meant for’ the child audience. A number of elements seem to be used in given combinations to evoke particular atmospheres. Most notable are features such as voiceovers, the creation of ‘needs’, a choice of soundtrack to suit the theme of the product, and the psychological triggers of making a product seem ‘special’. The driving force behind the creation of advertisements in this form places emphasis on the escapism and fantasy of the toy market which seems rather more integral to the product than ‘the truth’ (whatever that may be).

Whatever the intentions of ‘the industry’, and since their opinions are often impossible to obtain, the advertisement as ‘product’ should perhaps be viewed as an elaborate, eclectic mix of different approaches and techniques with the ultimate intention of selling something. The methods used to accomplish such a goal may be ‘accepted’, ‘traditional’, ‘universal’ and even ‘stereotypical’ in the use of recognised sales strategies and production features. The process is also cyclic, making it impossible for anyone to trace the origin of an idea. It is a complicated process and the industry must simply hope that their messages are heeded by the desired audience sectors and subsequently responded to in a positive way. The next logical step in an investigation of this kind must therefore be to approach the so-called ‘fickle, fun-loving’ target audiences for toy products. In this way, one can hope to reveal how the ‘messages’ are received and what the audiences ‘really think’ about the advertisements.

Summary

The process of ‘creating’ an advertisement can be represented diagrammatically in what is termed the Advertising Development Cycle. The circularity of the process and the multiple contributions at each stage – client brief, strategic development, creative brief, creative development, production, on-air/print and evaluation – makes the creation of a single advertisement the product of numerous individuals. This continuous cycle makes it near impossible for researchers to trace the origin of ideas.

The child sector of the market emerges as new and relatively unexplored territory when compared with the adult sector. Marketers perceive it as increasingly important in the sense that it is a unique ‘three-in-one’ sector that encompasses ‘purchasers, influencers and the future’ (Industry magazine). Consequently, children’s advertising has become an important means to capture attention and foster (life-long) brand loyalties at an early age. The companies who market to children stress the importance of having a clear understanding of the wants and needs of the target audience. The psyches of young boys and young girls, for example, may share similar elements but these elements manifest themselves in different (gender specific) ways. What is important is that the generally subtle (gender) differences are exploited and ‘amplified’ in advertisements to communicate quickly with the desired audience members.

‘Age’ is not seen in the traditional sense of calendar years, but rather in terms of a marketable attitude that can work in relation to age; the so-called ‘age-tude’. Advertisers realise that selecting the correct ‘age-tude’ is the key to a successful marketing campaign. Peer group is also identified as having major implications for how products should be marketed, with the overriding assumption that children need to feel a sense of ‘belonging’ within their own social worlds whilst also trying to emulate children older than themselves. Gender segregation is also seen as a powerful defining feature of peer group, so marketers aim to substantiate the gendered structures of a child’s social world within the advertisements they create.

There seems to be a fundamental contradiction within the notion of gendered production techniques. While the literature stressed that certain production features such as music, special effects and pacing are carefully considered when creating the overall feel of an advertisement, and the views of the actual creatives (particularly the producers) was surprisingly defensive. They were ‘disturbed’ by the suggestion that some techniques may have gender connotations and routinely denied the use of these techniques to appeal to one gender more than the other. The main production disclaimer was that ‘form follows content’, meaning that certain production features ‘naturally’ work better together in given shot sequences. However, there was also a high level of interest in the fact that strong patterns were clearly evident across a large sample of advertisements for the same product type.

One of the main driving forces behind how product-lines are developed by toy companies is an ever-present appreciation of the vast potential for mass-media marketing and cross-media merchandising spin-offs, to create a ‘product world’ easily recognisable to children. There is also an underlying tendency for toy companies to develop their product-lines with a specific audience in mind, where certain sales pitches are more (gender) appropriate that others. What seems most striking is the way that toy companies rely on children to possess sufficient levels of ‘media literacy’ and ‘knowledge’ to make their own links between products within and across different media genres. ‘Toys’ and ‘television’ are essentially perceived as inextricably linked.

[1] John Moyson was a graphic designer and advertisement producer with Deluxe Advertising and Graphic Design Ltd. / Storyboards Harpers Ltd. from 1980-1992, before setting up his own company – Freelance Graphic Design – in 1992.

[2] Chris Morris worked in the Department of Educational Programming at the BBC Wales, Cardiff. He had worked on a number of advertising campaigns, the most notable of which was perhaps the child-focussed campaign for Fairy Liquid washing-up detergent.

[3] This particular discussion group can be accessed on the Internet via mailbase.ac.uk. Records of the responses made by the individuals mentioned in this section can be found in the children-media-uk archive between the 10^th and the 24^th of October 1997.

[4] Roger Singleton-Turner was a former BBC, now freelance director and producer of children’s television drama.

[5] Janet Jones was a member of the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth. She had worked in television production before becoming a lecturer.

[6] Under the leadership of Prime Minister Tony Blair, the New Labour government made a pledge that every primary school in the United Kingdom would have free Internet access by the year 2002.

[7] Mattel.com and the pages referred to in the context of this chapter were all accessed in early January 2000. The transient nature of the Internet means that these pages may change or disappear at any time.

Chapter 6

The Industry Perspective

Abstract

6. Introduction

6.1 The advertising agency

6.1.1 Agency structure and campaign approach

Fig. 6a

The Advertising Development Cycle

Client Brief

Strategy Development

Production

6.1.2 Targeting audiences

6.1.3 Agencies that target children

6.1.4 Psychological ‘needs’ in young children

6.1.5 Age and peer group

6.1.7 Combining child development with advertisement production – some potential problems

6.1.8 Some suggestions for successful advertising to children

6.2 The creatives and producers

6.3 The toy company

6.3.1 Toy companies on the internet

Summary